NATHANIEL NILES (1741-1821)
Preacher, Physician, Legislator, and Vermont Supreme Court Judge

Sermon 1 and Excerpt from Sermon 2, 1774



I. CORRINTH. Chap. VII. Ver. 21.

          Art thou called being a servant? Care not for it; but if thou mayest be made free,
          use it rather.

At first glance, it is certain, this text refers to a state of personal servitude, and extends to every
instance of the same kind. It is also as clear that the Apostle exhorts the servant to prefer liberty.
This proves that the inspired writer himself, prefered [sic] liberty to a state of servitude; for he would
not exhort another to prefer what was not preferable in his own esteem. Now, if Paul esteemed
personal liberty a valuable inheritance, he certainly esteemed the liberty of a community a far richer
inheritance; for if one man's enjoyment of it was a good, the enjoyment of two must be a greater
good, and so on through the whole community. From the same manner of reasoning, the slavery of a
community appears to be a proportionably greater evil than the slavery of an individual. Hence, we
may observe from the text, that CIVIL LIBERTY IS A GREAT GOOD.

This is the proposition to which I ask your present hour's attention, and if it should appear in the
sequel to contain an important truth, you will not esteem it below the gospel preacher's duty to
explain and support it in public, especially at such a time as this, a time, at the very prospect of
which, our generous fore-fathers would have wept in bitterness of soul. If civil liberty is a great
good, it ought to be deemed one of the blessings of Heaven; these it is the preacher's duty to
illustrate, that we may feel the obligations they bring us under--that we may enquire whether we
have improved them for the glory of the giver, and that we may know how to conduct toward them
for the future. Be pleased then to give your candid, close, and serious attention, while I endeavour
to explain the nature of civil liberty, and prove that it is a great good.

As it is much less difficult to point out the nature of true coin in general, than to determine whether
any particular piece is genuine, or how far it differs from the perfect standard: So it is much easier to
point out the general nature of civil liberty, than to say what degree of it enters into any particular
civil constitution. It is therefore most natural to enquire, in the first place, concerning the general
nature of liberty; and indeed it is as necessary as natural. For until we determine this question we
have no rule by which we may estimate the quantity of liberty in any particular constitution: But when
once we have found the standard, we shall be prepared to examine our own constitution, or any
other, at pleasure, and to determine what part of the constitution should be supported, and what
may be given up with safety. An enquiry into the nature of liberty in general, is also needful on
another account. Without it we cannot see the force of any evidence that may be brought to evince
the value of liberty itself.

That the subject may be fairly elucidated, I will endeavour to remove some mistakes by which it has
been obscured. In doing this, I observe, that liberty does not consist in persons thinking themselves
free. The Jews could say we were never in bondage to any man though they wore the Roman yoke
at the very same time. Again, though a certain constitution should be contended for and supported
by a majority of voices; yet this would be no sure evidence that it is free: Because an hundred may
as truly tyrannize over one, as one over an hundred; or otherwise, the majority may be in favour of
licentiousness. What but love of licentiousness or tyranny, or both, can induce the heathen nations to
approve of their several systems of government? What but these, could induce Saul and the men of
Israel to persecute David and his handful? What but one or both of these drew down the fury of
Sodom on Lot--of the Jews on the prophets--on Jesus Christ--on his Apostles and their followers.
What but these ever raised any one of the many terrible persecutions under which the peaceable
disciples of Jesus Christ have fallen from time to time? In all these instances the majority have been
unfriendly to liberty.

Civil Liberty consists, not in any inclinations of the members of a community; but in the being and
due administration of such a system of laws, as effectually tends to the greatest felicity of a state.
Herein consists civil liberty, and to live under such a constitution, so administered, is to be the
member of a free state; and he who is free from the censure of those laws, may fully enjoy all the
pleasures of civil liberty, unless he is prevented by some defect, not in the constitution, but in himself.

If liberty consists in the being and administration of a civil constitution, different from such as one as
has been mentioned, I must confess, my inference from the Apostle's exhortation is not just. For
certain it is, that so far as a constitution doth not tend, in the highest degree, to the greatest felicity of
the state, collectively considered; it is a comparative evil and not a good.

Where there is no system of laws, not liberty, but anarchy, takes place. Some degree of liberty may,
indeed, exist where neither the constitution nor the administration of it is perfect. But in order to
perfect freedom, the law must extend to every member of the community alike, both in its
requisitions and prohibitions. Every one must be required to do all he can that tends to the highest
good of the state: For the whole of this is due to the state, from the individuals of which it is
composed. Every thing, however trifling, that tends, even in the lowest degree, to disserve the
interest of the state must also be forbidden.

Originally, there were no private interests. The world and all things in it, were the common interests
of all the inhabitants, under God the great owner. Nothing is to be esteemed an interest any farther
than it tends to good or is capable of being turned to the benefit of the possessor. But whatever has
this tendency, or may be thus used, is properly termed an interest. According to this estimate, the
term interest includes all those various offices and employments that are capable of being improved
for the good of the community. There interests, being such as cannot be managed by the whole
body collectively, are distributed among the individuals according as they appear in the eyes of the
body politic, to be qualified to use them for the good of the whole. In this way every member
becomes a servant to the state, and is a good or bad servant according to the manner in which he
discharges the trust reposed in him. This is equally true of the King on the throne and the peasant in
the field. The laws of a free state require each individual to use the public interests deposited in his
hands, in every instance in that very manner that shall contribute more to the good of the community,
without any particular reference to Governor or subject, rich or poor, high or low. While the laws
require such a continual course of conduct in every member of the community, they as critically
forbid every one to take from another that part of the public property which is committed to him; or
to impede him in making the best use of it for the public, unless when the community see it best to
deprive an individual of his place, and authorise another to do it in their name. In this manner the
laws of a free state provide security for the particular properties of each individual member, or
rather for the public interest deposited in the hands of individuals, by denouncing such penalties on
every offender as are exactly adequate to his offence. There must be an exact proportion between
the offence and the penalty. Where there is no such proportion, or equality, liberty is infringed,
because the law is partial, as it will injure, either the public, by not giving it its due, or the offender,
by inflicting a greater evil than he deserves. In this case there must be no distinctions, made by the
law, between persons of different characters and stations, only as those different characters and
stations may give the same criminal action different degrees of aggravation. A criminal action is more
criminal in a person who fills an elevated place, than in one of a more humble condition; because it
has a more detrimental aspect on the state. For this reason, the offences of the great should be
punished with greater indignity and severity, than the crimes of persons in low life. In a perfectly free
state, friendship to the community will be as carefully noticed as an offence. Punishment will not be
more exactly alloted [sic] to the transgressor, than adequate rewards to the faithful subject. The
farmer, the seaman, the mechanic, the merchant, and the practitioner of such of the learned
professions as belong to the state, are directed by the community, in effect, to reward each other by
an exchange of labour, or commodities. While those servants of the state, who are employed in
managing the reins of government, are rewarded by a collection from the whole, an equality to
which, is returned in the happy effects of legislation and executive justice. At the same time that the
laws make due provision for an equal distribution of rewards among the faithful servants of the state
both of higher and lower rank, they make as full provision for the infliction of penalties on every
class alike. They tender it as easy to bring a royal offender to trial,--to procure an impartial sentence
against him, and to inflict deserved punishment, as in the case of the meanest subject.

In such a state, the laws extend to all the members of the society alike, by making an impartial
estimate of every offence, but as it is best in all communities, that some offenders should be
pardoned, for special reasons, and that others should be punished; those same laws will lodge a
power of determining the alternative with some one, whose capacity and integrity are equal to such
a trust, so that the community may suffer no harm. 

A good foundation for liberty is laid in such a constitution, but its whole worth lies in due
administration. Perfect liberty takes place where such a constitution is fully administered: But where
the administration is imperfect, liberty is likewise imperfect. In a perfectly free state, both the
constitution, and the administration of it, are full of propriety, equality, and equilibrium.

These I take to be the out-lines of genuine liberty, which by a proper application, may assist us in
our enquiries after the degree of liberty enjoyed by any particular state.

Indeed, the circumstances and occurrences, that attend human states are so numerous, extensive,
and uncertain, that no one man, or body of men, can foresee and improve them all to the greatest
advantage. Hence, it frequently happens, that we cannot ascertain the degree of liberty enjoyed by a
community, by comparing the particular parts of a constitution, or the administration of it, with the
abstract notion of liberty; for we see but a small part of the whole system. Our views are very
partial. This is the case not only of individual subjects, but the body of government, itself, cannot,
completely, comprehend the whole. Some degree of partial oppression is, therefore, to be expected
in every human state, even, under the wisest administration. We may, however, determine, in some
instances, whether liberty is unnecessarily infringed or not. When we see the body of a community
plundered for the sake of indulging individuals in pride, luxury, idleness and debauchery,--when we
see thousands rewarded with pensions, for having either devised, or attempted to execute some
scheme for plundering a nation, and establishing despotism, we cannot be in doubt whether some
horrid attack is not made on liberty.

We may reason thus in a few particular instances; but, in general, we must form our judgments by
considering the various dispositions of mankind, and by noticing their various operations and effects,
in various circumstances. We must turn our attention to the facts that have already taken place; and
may reasonably conclude, that the same causes will always produce the same effects, unless
something special prevents. One general inference from the whole will be, that liberty is much rather
to be expected in a state where a majority, first, institutes, and then varies the constitution according
as they apprehend circumstances require, than in any other.

Other things being equal, a majority has a more general and distinct knowledge of the
circumstances, and exigencies of a state than a minority; and, of consequence, is more able to judge
of what is best to be done. Add to this, that private interest is the great idol of the human mind; and,
therefore, when a majority unite in any measures, it is to be supposed, they are such measures as
are best calculated to secure the particular interests of the members of that majority; and,
consequently, the general interests of the body are more effectually provided for, in this way, than
by the security of the private interests of any minority whatever. And if the maxims adopted by the
majority are general, both in their nature and extent, it is to be supposed, they will prove as salutary
to the members of the minority as to those of the majority, and, consequently, to the whole body.
Hence, though liberty is not necessarily, nor invariably connected with the voice of a majority; yet, it
is much more likely to be found in connection with such a voice, than with that of a minority. Indeed,
there is in general no reason to expect liberty where a majority is counteracted, and, on the
contrary, we may hope for some good degree of it, where a majority governs.

It is only on these maxims, that the present British monarch can be exculpated from the several
charges of rebellion, treachery, and usurpation, and on these, the glorious revolution in favour of the
house of Hanover is perfectly justifiable.

Let us now attend a little, to a few particulars that may serve to excite in us some more adequate
ideas of the worth of civil liberty.  Indeed, none but an omniscient mind can fully comprehend, and
exactly estimate the true worth of this blessing, in its various consequences, effects, and inseparable
concomitants, as they take place on various occasions. Our views of this subject may, however, be
greatly enlarged and rendered much more distinct than they generally are.

That civil liberty is of great worth, may be infered [sic] from the conduct of God toward the Jewish
nation. He promised them freedom from the oppression of their enemies as a testimony of his favour
in case of their obedience; and as a chastisement for their disobedience, he threatened them with a
state of servitude. From this it is certain that the omniscient God himself, esteems liberty a great
blessing. The Israelites were taught by him to set their hears much on liberty, and to avoid slavery
with great caution, constancy and vigour.

It was observed that liberty has its rise in such a constitution as tends to the highest good of a
community, and that the due administration of such a constitution affords a state of freedom. Hence,
the bare idea of liberty discovers it to be an inestimable good, for whatever tends to the highest
good of great numbers, must, undoubtedly, be an invaluable treasure. In this view liberty is an
inexhaustable fountain, which, under God, sends forth an endless variety of such streams, as are
both pleasant and salutary. I will instance in a few particulars. When we enjoy liberty, and are sure
of its continuance, we feel that our persons and properties are safely guarded by her watchful eye,
her impartial disposition and her powerful arm. This excites to industry, which tends to a
competency of wealth. The vassal, on the other hand, having no security of his present possessions,
or for those he might obtain, concludes so uncertain a prize is not worth the seeking, and therefore
will do no more than barely serves to silence the clamours of necessity from day to day.

In such a situation, every bias of the human mind tends to idleness and poverty. Even generosity
itself will sink into inactivity and indolence; because it loaths a connection between tyranny and
wealth, and therefore refuses, will do nothing that might establish such a connection, by
strengthening a tyrannical state. Liberty not only removes every obstruction out of the way of
industry, frugality and wealth, but rouses even indolence to action, and gives honest, laborious
industry a social, sprightly, cheerful air; but in a state of slavery, sloth hangs heavily on the heels of
dumb, sullen, moross [sic] melancholy. Industry and frugality spring from the same source, and are
spontaneously productive of temperance. The former moderates the appetites, while the latter
forbids unnecessary expence. This triple alliance is the natural parent of decent conversation and
courteous behaviour. They calm the passions and urge even pride and avarice to mimic humanity,
and every generous sentiment. By these and such means, they, both enable and dispose us to fulfill
our contracts with exactness, ad to give us credit with our neighbours and lay a foundation for public
confidence. In this manner liberty renders political virtue fashionable, and tends to diffuse public
spirit. It discountenances disorder, and every narrow disposition. Thus the mind is fortified on all
sides, and rendered calm, resolute, and stable. Industry and temperance give health to the body,
and render it fit for the residence and operations of such a soul. In a nation raised to such a pitch of
vigor, firmness, health and opulence, all the natural means of defence are collected, and to such the
arts of war will be an easy acquisition. These united, will prove a bulwark against every assault of
lawless power, whether foreign or domestic. In such a state, a free people will enjoy composure of
soul and their taste will become refined. The study of the fine arts will follow or consequence, and,
after these, a long train of science. Industry, frugality, and a curious turn naturally invent and perfect
the useful arts. What is more than all, liberty secures the rights of conscience, by protecting every
member of the state in the free exercise of his religion, unless it be such a religion as is inconsistent
with the good of the state. The first effects of liberty, on the human mind, are calmness, serenity and
pleasing hope, and all the various fruits of liberty produce the same happy effects. Thus liberty, first
divides itself, as it were, into various streams; which, at length, all meet together again in soothing
sensations and sweet emotion of soul. The pleasure that springs from liberty is the life of every other
enjoyment, and the importance of it in a single instance is vastly great, too great to be conceived of,
unless on a sudden transition from a state of refined freedom, to that of the most abject slavery.
How great then must be the collective happiness that a community derives from a state of perfect
freedom? I confess liberty never has been enjoyed in perfection by any of the nations of the earth;
but this by no means affects the foregoing estimate. For, from the small degree of liberty, with which
we are acquainted, the consequences of perfect liberty may be justly inferred. Nor is the
imperfection of liberty, as it hath taken lace in the world, any discouragement to the pursuit of it. The
more we can obtain, the greater will be our enjoyment. Each degree of liberty is a precious pearl.

When we would learn how much any thing tends to happiness, we must view it with reference to the
taste of the person in whom the happiness is supposed to take place. So, the happy tendency of
liberty cannot be seen, unless it be viewed as terminating on some particular disposition in him by
whom it is enjoyed. Liberty is so illy calculated to give pleasure to either a tyrannical, or, licentious
spirit, that it proves a galling curb to both. A free spirit,--a spirit that is consonant to a free
constitution;--a spirit that seeks the highest good of a community, in its proper place,--this, and this
only, can extract and taste all the sweets of liberty. If we would learn how great a tendency liberty
has to produce happiness, we must consider it in such circumstances as give it an opportunity to do
good.

Let us then, for once, imagine a state whose members are all of a free spirit; and then attend to the
glory and pleasures of liberty. The individuals are all of one mind. They unite in the same grand
pursuit, the highest good of the whole. Only suppose all the members of such a state to be
acquainted with the best means of promoting their general end; and we shall seem them all moving
imperfect concert. The good of the body will be their first aim. And in subservience to this, they will
impartially regard the particular interests of individuals. You and I shall perfectly unite in our regard
for your interests and for mine. Your interest will not be the more dear to you, nor the less so to me,
because it is yours. In these circumstances, there would be no room for the emotions of any of the
angry painful passions; but, on the contrary, every soft and pleasing affection of every soul, would
be called forth into vigorous and harmonious exercise. Every individual would choose to move in his
proper sphere, and that all others should move in theirs. This would at once constitute pure felicity,
and exalted beauty. How good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity: Such a
state of things, in the little community of a single family, must be productive of great good. But
should it take place through a nation, each family would enjoy the same good from its own domestic
circumstances, beside the far greater pleasure which would accrue to each individual from a
consideration of the same happy condition of the whole. 

Should it be said, that such a scheme as has been mentioned is merely chimerical and romantic;
because there never has been, nor ever will be such a general state of mind on earth; I would say,
the same objection is equally strong against the worth of a state of perfect holiness. Such a state has
never taken place, in perfection, in this world, nor will it hereafter; but must we therefore suppose
that holiness is of no worth? The reason why we do not experience all the pleasures of liberty, that
have been mentioned, is, not any defect in liberty, but the perverseness of our selfish hearts, which
prevents our pursuits and enjoyments of the delights of perfect liberty. Liberty still remains a blessing
too great to be compared with any other earthly good.

The thoughts that have been suggested in this discourse, open to us the nature of good government
in its several branches. A legislature is denominated good, from the goodness of its laws, or, from
the tendency of the laws made by it to produce the highest good of the community. In exact
proportion to this tendency of the laws, is the legislature to be esteemed good: --The goodness of
executive government, consists in its due administration of the laws already made. It is for the good
of the community alone, that laws are either to be made or executed. So that,

Good government is not inconsistent with liberty. Perfect liberty and perfect government are
perfectly harmonious, while tyranny and licentiousness are inconsistent with both. Yea farther,

Good government is essential to the very being of liberty. Remove good government and you
remove liberty. Abridge the former and you abridge the latter. Let good government encrease and
you encrease liberty. These can never be separated in any degree. Their rise and fall is exactly
uniform. Hence,

The impropriety of saying of a person, that he is a friend to government, but not to liberty; and of
another, that he is a friend to liberty, but not to government, appears to be very gross. Indeed one
many may be a friend to tyranny and not to liberty, but then he is as truly an enemy to government.
Another may be a friend to licentiousness and not to government; but then he is as truly an enemy to
liberty; and both, for this plain reason, that good government in a state, and the liberty of that state,
are one and the same thing. This suggests another idea, which is, that

He who infringes on liberty rebels against good government, and ought to be treated as a rebel. It
matters not what station he fills; he is a traitor; his treachery is, however, more or less aggravated in
proportion to his state and condition. He that fills an elevated station is proportionably more criminal
in the same rebellion, than those in a lower state,; and where a man proves false to confidence
reposed in him, his treachery is still more base and detestable. Because his exaltation puts it into his
power to do greater injury to the state than could possibly be done by an inferior.

It is equally true, that every kind and degree of opposition made against good government is an
ebullition of licentiousness. The man that rises up against good government is an enemy to liberty, a
tyrant in heart, and they who are discontented and fretful under it are of the same cast.

If liberty is such a thing, and so great a blessing as it has been represented, it is, certainly, a rich
tallent that Heaven has been pleased to entrust with every man, and it undoubtedly becomes all to
be constantly, and thoroughly awake to a sense of their duty respecting it. We are too ready to
fancy, that when once we have appointed legislators, and given them charge of this inestimable
treasure, we need give ourselves no farther concern about it. But this is not our whole duty. We are
all stewards, to whom the God of nature has committed this talent. The design of appointing a few
individuals to government, is not to free the rest from their obligations but to assist them in the
discharge of their duty, in the same manner that ministers of the gospel are to assist their hearers in
those duties that respect the care of their souls. Communities ought therefore to keep an impartial
and watchful eye on government. They are urged to do so, by a consideration of the avaricious, and
aspiring dispositions of mankind in general, and the peculiar opportunities and temptations that
Governors have to indulge them. In these latter ages of the world, after it has been found by several
thousands years experience, that such as have been made the guardians of liberty, have in almost
every instance, where it was thought practicable, endeavoured to make themselves masters, instead
of continuing stewards of the community; in these days, I say, we are more distinctly, sensible, and
frequently called on to watch the conduct of government. Liberty is not an absolute right of our own,
if it were, we might support, and guard, or neglect it at pleasure. It is a loan of heaven, for which we
must account with the great God. It is therefore, as unreasonable for us to place an unlimited
confidence in any earthly ruler, as to place such a confidence in our spiritual ministers and depend
wholly on them to settle our final account with the holy judge of the universe.

I do not mean that we should, as individuals, undertake to dictate to our rulers, or oppose them by
force whenever we judge they act a wrong part. This would be utterly unreasonable, for surely we
have at best, no better right to usurpation than they. What I mean is, that we should all endeavour to
turn the attention of our fellow members of the community on the conduct of our rulers. We should
notice and compare it with the standard of right and wrong ourselves; and excite others to do so
likewise. We should endeavour on every alarming occasion, to collect the sentiments of the body,
and vigorously pursue those measures that are thought the most salutary for the whole.

It becomes us, with united hearts, to make a firm stand against every attempt to wrest the jewel
from us, either by force or fraud: --The present state of things is very alarming. In the view of the
most simple common sense, we are now called on--men, women and children are called on to
struggle for the preservation of those rights of mankind which are inexpressibly dear. Let us then
rouse and exert ourselves to the utmost, on the present occasion. But you ask me. What shall we
do? Shall we renounce the authority of our gracious sovereign? Shall we take up arms against his
troops? What shall we do?

I answer, By no means. Do not suffer the thought of renouncing our king's authority, so much as to
turn in your mind; rather, be ready to shed your blood in defence of your rightful sovereign and his
high office. Never let us think of entering on a civil war, unless the Pretender, or some other usurper
should attempt to dethrone the British parent of his people. But should this be the case, then let the
world see that their king is dearer to the Americans than their blood.

Though the time has been when our countrymen, but an handful, wee obliged to defend themselves
against thousands of the native savages; by dint of arms; yet, notwithstanding, a cloud, in some
respects, much heavier than that, lowers over us at present; such is the kindness of our God, that,
humanly speaking, it is in the power of America to save both herself and Great-Britain from total
destruction, and that without a single hostile stroke. Nothing more than piety and economy are
necessary, and in these, every age and character may unite. The pious supplications of the
stammering child will as effectually reach the ear of our God, and be as acceptable to him as the
most elegant address. A thousand things may intercept our petitions on their way to an earthly
monarch; but a combination of all our enemies in earth and hell cannot prevent a pious wish in its
flight to Heaven; and let us remember, that the effectual fervent prayers of the righteous avail much.
We have sought in vain for relief from our parent state--from our king. And if salvation has not
come from our gracious sovereign King George, we cannot expect it from the hills. We must look
still higher. Instead of railing against man let us notice and imitate the example of Michael who railed
not against the devil himself. David, said, of Shimel, let him curse for the Lord hath bidden him. He
saw, he had deserved so illy at God's hand, that it was no wonder, he had brought such a
punishment on him. He, therefore, accepted it willingly at the hand of God; while he was not
insensible to the wickedness of Shimel. It becomes us, likewise, to notice the hand of God, and
settle it in our minds, that evil springs not out of the ground,--that there's no evil in the city which the
Lord hath not done. Under such views, let us all, like Daniel of old, piously pour out our hearts
before God, acknowledging our own sins, and those of our people. Meanwhile, let us encourage no
practice, in ourselves or others, that tends to enslave our country. Let us learn to live in the plain
manner of our fore-fathers. It is high time for us to reform. We have had a rich inheritance and
wasted it in riotous living. Let us return to our father's house, least we be reduced to the want, even
of husks to eat. These are the only expedients that seem needful at present, But if we will risque our
country for the sake of a few superfluities, posterity may curse our pride and luxury, and the present
generation may find that death and carnage will terminate their folly. And should this be the case we
must charge the horrid scene to our own misconduct. --If any should say, it is in vain for them as
individuals to be vigilant, zealous and firm in pursuing any measures for the security of our rights,
unless all would unite: I would reply. 

Ages are composed of seconds, the earth of sands, and the sea of drops, too small to be seen by
the naked eye. The smallest particles have their influence. Such is our state, that each individual has
a proportion of influence on some neighbour at least; he, on another, and so on; as in a river, the
following drop urges that which is before, and every one through the whole length of the stream has
the like influence. We know not, what individuals may do. We are not at liberty to lie dormant until
we can, at once, influence the whole. We must begin with the weight we have. Should the little
springs neglect to flow till a general agreement should take place, the torrent that now bears down
all before it, would never be formed. These mighty floods have their rise in single drops from the
rocks, which, uniting, creep along till they meet with another combination so small that it might be
absorbed by the travellers [sic] foot. These unite, proceed, enlarge, till mountains tremble at their
sound. Let us receive instruction from the streams, and, without discouragment [sic], pursue a
laudable plan. But,

Is it not to be feared, that an appetite for the leeks and onions, is the source of our difficulty? The
ungenerous language of the objector seems to be, "I could wish to see my country happy, but if the
fates have determined its destruction I will not forgo my share of the booty."

It is great, it is glorious, to espouse a good cause, and it is still more great and glorious in such a
cause to stand alone. It is great and glorious to outbrave the reproach of the base. Should all our
countrymen forsake us, perseverance would be an honour, and the honour will rise as the number of
our adherents is diminished.

Let us therefore, vigorously pursue prudent measures in the present alarming state of things. Then,
should it please the righteous disposer of all, to reduce us to the most abject slavery, we shall at
least, have the consolation to think, that we are in no part chargeable with having riveted chains on
our country, and the blessing of a clear conscience is incomparably better than the greatest temporal
interest and worldly applause.

This has been a land of liberty. We have enjoyed that blessing in a great degree for a long time. It
becomes us now to reflect on our ingratitude to the giver. When he has wrought salvation for us, on
one occasion and another, how have we expressed our thankfulness? By bonfires, illuminations,
revellings, gluttony and drunkenness. Would not a stranger have thought us worshipers of the whole
race of the heathen deities, rather than of that God, who is a spirit, and who seeketh such to
worship him, as do it in spirit and in truth?

We have boasted of our liberty and free spirit. A free spirit is no more inclined to enslave others
than ourselves. If then it should be found upon examination that we have been of a tyrannical spirit in
a free country, how base must our character appear! And how many thousands of thousands have
been plunged into death and slavery by our means?

When the servant had nothing to pay, and his master had frankly forgiven him all, and he had gone
and cast his fellow servant into prison, there to remain till he should pay the last farthing; the master
justly punished his ingratitude and severity with the like imprisonment. Hath not our conduct very
nearly resembled the conduct of that servant? God gave us liberty, and we have enslaved our
fellow-men. May we not fear that the law of retaliation is about to be executed on us? What can we
object against it? What excuse can we make for our conduct? What reason can we urge why our
oppression shall not be repaid in kind? Should the Africans see God Almighty subjecting us to all
the evils we have brought on them, and should they cry to us, O daughter of America who are to be
destroyed, happy shall he be that rewardeth thee as thou hast served us; happy shall he be that
taketh and dasheth thy little ones against the stones; how could we object? How could we resent it?
Would we enjoy liberty? Then we must grant it to others. For shame, let us either cease to enslave
our fellow-men, or else let us cease to complain of those that would enslave us. Let us either wash
our hands from blood, or never hope to escape the avenger. 

To conclude, unless we adopt some prudent decisive measures in humble dependance on God; we
have reason to fear some almost unparallelled calamity. If we do not exert ourselves: it would not be
strange, should a military government be established, and popery triumph in our land. Then,
perhaps, those, who now want fortitude to deny themselves some of the superfluities of life, may see
their husbands and sons slain bin battle, their daughters ravished, their wives ript up, their children
dashed against the wall, and their pious parents put to the rack for the religion of Jesus. Now is the
dicisive [sic] moment. Gods sets before us life and death, good and evil, blessing and cursing, and
bids us choose. Let us therefore choose the good and refuse the evil, that we may live and not die. 

 

 

John Chapter VIII. Verse 36.

If therefore the son shall make you free ye shall be free indeed

 

The general nature of liberty is the same in all societies, though different circumstances give it
different appearance. The same general principles that are the foundation of good government in a
family are as truly so in the government of a nation. These maxims are applicable not only to earthly
societies, but are equally so to the eternal kingdom of the great God. That government and that
liberty which takes place in earthly communities is called domestic or civil, according to their extent.
When these are spoken of as belonging to the kingdom of God, they are termed divine or spiritual.
The propriety of the manner of expression made use of in our text, depends on the truth of these
observations. In the thirty first verse of the context, we are told, that our Lord Jesus Christ said to
those Jews which believed on him, If ye continue in my words ye are my disciples indeed; and ye
shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free. It seems as though they did not apprehend he
was speaking of spiritual liberty but of civil, and therefore answer, We be Abraham's seed, and
were never in bondage to any man. How sayest thou, ye shall be made free? Jesus then leads them
to understand, that he spake of spiritual liberty, by saying, Whosoever commiteth sin is the servant
of sin; and then he adds, the servant abideth not in the house forever; but the son abideth ever, after
which follows the text. It is observable that our Lord in this conversation uses that particular word to
signify spiritual freedom, by which they understood civil liberty, which would have been altogether
improper, had not their general nature been the same. We may observe, that it is Jesus Christ who
makes those free that are so in a spiritual sense. It is he alone who introduces them as freemen into
this state. Itf the son shall make you free then shall ye be free indeed. He doth not way if ye be
made free, or if ye make yourselves free, but, if the son shall make you free.

The freedom here spoken of, is no doubt, the same that in another place is called the liberty of the
sons of God. It is that liberty, which those enjoy who are born of God, have his spirit and are
adopted into the number of his children. The liberty is enjoyed in this world so far as persons are
sanctified; and shall hereafter be perfectly enjoyed in Heaven.

It is observable that Christ calls this liberty, freedom indeed. Ye shall be free indeed. This
emphatical word was doubtless made use of to teach us, that spiritual freedom, or liberty is
preferable to any other, and that it is perfect freedom, without any mixture or defect.

The principal thought in the text, and what I propose to dwell on at present is, that

The state of liberty into which Jesus Christ introduces his disciples is far preferable to any state of
earthly liberty. 

The subject to which we attended in the forenoon, is vastly important; but this is as much more
important, as spiritual enjoyments are preferable to those that are temporal, eternity to time; and as
all the final host of Heaven, which will be composed of God, Christ, Angels and Saints, are
preferable to the handful of dust and ashes that compose an earthly empire. It is a subject much
more interesting to us, as well as more important in itself. Let me then beg your most diligent,
conscientious and unbiased attention, while I endeavour to illustrate and improve the observation
just now deduced from the text.

It was said in the former discourse that liberty consists in the being and due administration of such a
set of laws, as tend to the highest good of the society. If this be so, it follows that liberty in a state is
greater or less in exact proportion to the greater or less tendency of the constitution and its
administration to the highest good of the community collectively considered. If therefore it appears
on examination, that the constitution of Christ's kingdom and the administration of that constitution
have a stronger tendency to the good or that kingdom, than the constitution of any earthly kingdom,
and the administration of that constitution, have to the highest good of that earthly kingdom, the
proposition is illustrated and proved.

In a perfectly free state the laws forbid every crime against the community. Every action that would
be in the least degree injurious to the state is forbidden. In order to this, the legislature must have a
perfect view of all the various circumstances and occurrences that may take place with respect o
each individual of which the state is composed, at all the various periods of its existence. Actions
that seem to us too minute to be regarded, have their consequences, which are oftentimes vastly
important and interesting to the state. How often has a single word spoken in anger by some great
personage, lain at the bottom of a nation's overthrow? The tongue is a little member, but small as it
is, it seteth the course of nature on fire. Well might the Apostle say, How great a matter a little fire
kindleth! But,

It is impossible for any finite mind or number of minds, to ascertain every particular word and
gesture that may be detrimental in its tendency to the state, and therefore, there cannot possibly be a
system of human laws in which every political evil shall be forbidden.

The liberty of the most refined kingdoms of this world, is but like the lean, scanty gleanings of the
vintage, while the liberty of the kingdom of Christ is like the full grown clusters of the first ripe fruits
that load the generous vine. Such is the weakness of the human mind, and the perplexed state of
earthly things, that neither any community nor its wisest delegates, could make sufficient provision
against all political inconveniencies, even though they were quite free from every sinister design,
unless they were under the continual influence of miraculous inspiration from God. In order to such
an effectual precaution they must foresee all the various mental exercises of every member of the
community; and be able to judge, at the trial of every supposed offender, what the real motives of
his conduct have been; because men are blame worthy or not, according to the meaning of their
hearts. But we cannot obtain any certain knowledge of any one motive that actuates the mind of
another. No man knows the things of a man save the spirit of a man that is in him. Besides this there
is another difficulty, for though we had the power of looking into another[']s heart, we should still
find ourselves incapable of tracing the heart through all its dark and intricate labarinths [sic]. Hence it
appears that no political constitution on earth can extend its authority any further than to a few of the
many external expressions either of friendship, or disaffection to the state. For this reason, the most
compleat system of earthly government imaginable, falls immensely short of a finished scheme. This
however is nothing, in comparison with another inconveniency, that arises from the depravity of
human nature, which leads every man in a greater or less degree, to look on his own things and not
on the things of another; to seek their own private interest, without regarding the interests either of
their fellow men, the angels, or the duty, any father than they may seem subservient to private
interest. We have, indeed, reason to hope, that a few are possessed of some small degree of a
different spirit; --a disinterested benevolent spirit. But there is reason to believe, that by far the
greater part of these are to be found among the lower classes of mankind, and that a very small
proportion of them are among the great. From these considerations we may conclude, that, though it
is the duty or Kings and all other rulers to seek the best good of the community, yet they too often
act a part directly opposite. Instead of improving their power and interests for the good of the
community, they made use of the common interests as means of aggrandizing themselves and their
families. This sentiment is confirmed by the history of Kings, and other rulers in every age of the
world. We must therefore conclude that the highest degree of liberty that can reasonably be
expected in earthly states is very low. At best, there are only some spices of liberty scattered in
earthly states, and yet these are more precious than we can conceive. But

In the kingdom of Jesus Christ, there is no reason to apprehend any such inconveniency or
imperfection. For the constitution of his kingdom, and the administration of it, are the effects of the
pleasure of him who searcheth the hearts, and tryeth the reins of all his subjects, and is at all times
perfectly acquainted with every design of all his rational creatures. It was, therefore, perfectly easy
for him to form a constitution, which should never need the least alteration in order to the best good
of the universe. He is as powerful as wise, and therefore, can administer this constitution with the
utmost precision in every instance. Both his wisdom and power are all sufficient. This being granted,
nothing can be wanting in order to bring about the highest good of the universe, except it be a
disposition in Jesus Christ to employ his knowledge and power for that purpose. If he has such
knowledge and power and a full, invariable, eternal inclination to employ his knowledge and power
in the production of the highest good of the universe, the designs cannot possibly be frustrated. The
united exertion of sufficient skill, power and inclination will forever obtain its end. Sufficient skill and
power will in every instance, without exception, carry all ones designs into execution. Now, that
Jesus Christ has such a disposition is evident from his being no respecter of persons.

For, we see, he has in fact done very many things, which, beyond all dispute, are the effects of
design, and not of inadvertency. Now, if those things are done by design, and yet not from any
partial respect to any person, what, but a regard to the whole could be the moving cause? And, if
regard to the whole be the moving cause of all that Christ has done, is doing, and will do, must we
not conclude, the highest good of the whole is his highest, and only ultimate end? We cannot
suppose otherwise, without believing, that Christ is a being of mixed and jarring affections, which
would imply great imperfection indeed. The division of one's affections between two different
objects, always creates a painful discord, in such a case, the passions of the mind are in a confused
state of opposition, which is ever productive of painful sensations of soul-- We must, therefore,
believe that Jesus Christ aims, with the utmost strength and uniformity of design, at the highest good
of the whole or else, that he is an inconsistent, and consequently a miserable being.

Jesus Christ has in his mediatorial work, given the highest possible evidence of the most
disinterested attention to the highest good-- Since he is an omnipotent being, what reason can be
given why he did not call down the innumerable hosts of mighty angels from heaven to destroy his
persecutors, or why he did speak them unto hell, unless it be, that he is infinitely benevolent. Such
was his regard for the highest good, that he held not his own life dear, and what is far more, he
delivered himself into the hands of his most unrighteous, inveterate, malicious, and detestable
enemies, to be treated according to the dictates of their accursed pride and malice. He clearly saw
how much their haughtiness, and revenge would be gratified in his meek submission to the cross,
and his bitter agonies on the tree. And yet, such was his regard to the ge3nral good, that he
chearfully [sic] gave them an opportunity to gratify their perverse inclination, and supported them in
existence while they did it.

These considerations are enough to convince us, that there is as much, as pure liberty in the
kingdom of Christ, as unlimited wisdom, power and goodness can possibly produce; and how
inconceivably greater, and more excellent must this be, than nay thing of the kind that can take place
under the direction of ignorant, impotent selfish men. The Lord of hosts hath proposed his kingdom
to stain the pride of all glory, and to bring into contempt all the honourable of the earth. ....

How strangely inconsistent are we in treating that liberty, which is of infinite worth, with neglect and
contempt, when it is most freely offered us, while, at the same time we are ready to sacrifice, not
only our fortunes, but our very lives and friends to purchase and defend that which at best is but
imperfect, uncertain and temporal? To struggle for the latter is laudable, but to neglect the former, is
infinitely criminal., Surely none but a madman would neglect millions which he might have at
pleasure, and yet barter his life for an uncertain penny. In the affair of civil liberty, the most spirited
efforts may prove ineffectual; but that which is spiritual will certainly be the consequence of a single
genuine desire to enjoy it. What makes the inconsistency still the more glaring is, that while human
nature shrinks at the thought of the partial oppression of an earthly tyrant, we quietly remain in a
state of the most abject slavery to the worst of tyrants, the devil himself. To shake off the former has
cost many their lives, and put them beyond the capacity of enjoying liberty; they have purchased at
so dear a rate. When we need but detest the chains of sin to rise up to Kings and ensure liberty in its
highest perfection. Our conduct proves that we prize time above eternity, the liberties of an earthly
state, above the glorious liberty of the sons of God; the enjoyments of earth above those of heaven;
sin above holiness; the service of Satan more than that of God,--yea, that we prefer the Devil
himself, the implacable enemy of our souls to the Lord Jehovah, our gracious benefactor ....

Come then, my friends, let us embrace the glorious liberty of the sons of God. Every possible
measure, whether of terror or allurement, is set before us. If we embrace this, we shall of necessity
be genuine sons of liberty. We shall resolve that nothing but the wise superintendency of God shall
ever make us submit to public oppression; for no man can be a christian and not a friend to civil
liberty, in the strictest sense. To be freemen of Jesus Christ will exceedingly sweeten the enjoyment
of civil liberty if we can obtain it, or soften the fetters of slavery if we shall be forced to wear them.
Spiritual liberty opens up a pleasant prospect even in the midnight of political slavery. The most
abject slave may look forward and say, "a few moments more will usher me into a state of
everlasting Freedom." On the contrary, what will it profit us to gain the whole world, crowns and
scepters, if at last we loose [sic] our own souls, and are dragged at the chariot wheels of Satan. This
is our time to secure freedom and glory. Another hour may chain us down in eternal bondage.

God has given us rational minds. let us then act a rational part. Let us act a consistent part, and not
dishonour our high birth. Consistency, reason, interest and duty all call on us to yield an immediate
and unlimited submission to God. Heaven is set before to allure us. Hell flames behind. Satan is
ready to seize us, and the eternal Jehovah stretches forth his hand and offers to save us. Let us do
whatever true wisdom may direct with respect to civil liberty, but by all means let us do it so as that
ours slavery to satan shall not increase with the encrease of civil liberty. Let us act a part that shall
be approved of at the last day, by our own consciences, by saints and angels, and by our holy
judge. Then shall we rejoice at what we have done, but otherwise we must be ashamed forever.
May God give us grace to do so for the sake of our Lord Jesus Christ.